Montana culture – RTLMT Sat, 18 Sep 2021 19:36:54 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Montana culture – RTLMT 32 32 Gun control laws do not prevent crime; They just satisfy the thirst for blood of the culture warriors Thu, 16 Sep 2021 19:32:20 +0000 A man grabs a gun displayed at a Shore Shot Pistol Range gun store in Lakewood Township, NJ March 19, 2020. (Eduardo Munoz / Reuters) They are just another way of fighting culture wars. Im the last issue of National exam, I write about the lax application of our gun laws and I touch on […]]]>

A man grabs a gun displayed at a Shore Shot Pistol Range gun store in Lakewood Township, NJ March 19, 2020. (Eduardo Munoz / Reuters)

They are just another way of fighting culture wars.

Im the last issue of National exam, I write about the lax application of our gun laws and I touch on a theme worth exploring a little more: gun control is not about guns criminality – gun control concerns firearms culture.

If we cared about keeping guns out of the hands of criminals, we would lock up the straw buyers. We would be prosecuting buyers for prohibited “lies and attempts” who tamper with their ATF documents. And we would confiscate guns sold in retail transactions that were falsely approved due to flaws in the background check system. But, for the most part, we don’t do much about all of these.

Instead of doing the hard work of enforcing the law on the people who vow to violate it, almost all of our efforts are focused on the most law-abiding group of Americans out there: the people who legally buy guns. firearms at licensed gun dealers, a group that by definition has a felony conviction rate of about 0.0%. They are law-abiding people, but they are also, in large part, the kind of people who crush the cultural buttons of the big-city progressives who dominate the Democratic Party both culturally and financially. From this point of view, what matters is not that gun dealers and their customers are dangerous – which they certainly are not – but that they are dangerous. Icky.

This culture war mentality produces a lot of sloppy thinking and ignorant comments. Take the case of Gail Collins on Thursday’s show. New York Times. Collins is crazy about gun shows, which she seems to be aware of. . . not a lot. “Yeah,” she wrote – really, “Yes“-” Right now, an easy way to buy a firearm without someone checking if you have a history of criminal convictions, mental illness, or a domestic violence restraining order is to pay money at a gun show. “

This is – and this part still matters! – not true.

There is no special legal exemption for gun shows, no matter how many times New York Times the chroniclers insist that it exists. Laws that apply everywhere else in the world apply in the same way, to the same degree, to the same people at gun shows. If you are a criminal or other prohibited buyer, it is a serious federal crime to purchase a gun at a gun show; in most states, including the so-called Wild West state of Texas, it is a crime to sell a gun to a criminal, at a gun show or elsewhere. If you are a licensed gun dealer then you should check your background at a gun show just like you would if you were selling in your store or elsewhere. If you live in a state where background checks are required for private sales (New York, California, etc.), these rules apply to gun shows the same as they do anywhere else. Some gun show operators require private sales background checks, even when they are not legally required. The worst that can be said about gun shows is that they provide a convenient venue for sales that could be done in exactly the same way, by and to the same people, anywhere else. .

Because this is a crop war issue rather than a crime reduction issue, Collins apparently didn’t bother to think about the most obvious and relevant question: Firearms Purchased at Gun Shows Significantly Contribute to Crime? Fortunately, we have a whole federal office – the Bureau of Justice Statistics – that keeps track of these things. His finding? “Among inmates who owned a firearm during their offense, 0.8% obtained it during a gun show.

Picture me putting on my Sheriff Buford T. Justice accent: “Zero– point eight percent! “

Now, given that only 20 percent of the prisoners in the BJS survey were in possession of a gun of any kind at the time of their offense, my major math in English places those guns at the scene. 0.16 percent of these crimes. This number rounds off at the squat.

When I hear Democrats protesting voter ID laws, they usually insist that “there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud.” It’s true. But there is some electoral fraud – there are people in jail for it, and people are heading there – and we should take reasonable steps to prevent and discourage it, because the social effects of a small electoral fraud are very corrosive. There are a lot of things that are not widespread that still deserve our attention. Are there people at gun shows who profit by intentionally supplying guns to criminals? Maybe, although gun shows aren’t exactly where black merchants lay their shingles. We occasionally prosecute people acting as unlicensed commercial dealers (as opposed to occasional private sellers) at gun shows, which is appropriate. But, again, this offense is a felony whether these sales take place at a gun show, in a garage, or in the trunk of a car – or in a gun store, elsewhere.

The same BJS study contains one of the less surprising findings in the literature: The vast majority of criminals – 90% – don’t get their guns from any sort of retail outlet. The share that acquired them legally in a retail setting (sporting goods store, pawnshop, etc.) is even smaller.

Collins spends five paragraphs denouncing Texas for its new “constitutional portage” law. I myself preferred the old regime of covert porterage, with classwork, shooting test, and background checks required. But what Collins doesn’t mention is that this isn’t a new innovation unique to the redneck states – Texas now has the same law as the right-wing radicals. . . Vermont, which has had constitutional significance as long as we have the Constitution. Texas joins Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Idaho, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Tennessee, Utah, Vermont, West Virginia and Wyoming in this arrangement. Some of these states have relatively high murder and other violent crime rates (Alaska, Arkansas) – though none of them have as high a murder rate as half that of the District of Columbia – while others (Maine, Vermont, Idaho) are among the safest states in the Union. The obvious conclusion is that whatever variable is important in murder rates, it is not this one.

Like many firearms officers, Collins can’t be bothered by the facts or the data: “I’m going to take a risk and say that eliminating the sale of semi-automatic rifles would make the country better. . . safe for firearms, ”she wrote. I hope for the sake of his bones that the limb is not too high: as anyone following this issue knows, all “long guns” combined – that is, all rifles from hunting and rifles, not just semi-automatics – account for a tiny fraction of murders, and by tiny I mean fewer murders than those committed with bare hands or with blunt objects. So-called assault rifles as a class are so rarely used in violent crime that federal authorities don’t even bother to break them down statistically. But as far as we can tell, they account for about 2% of violent crime, maybe less.

There are good reasons for this, having nothing to do with gun laws – it’s easier to buy a long gun than to buy a handgun, but it’s hard to stick an AK-47 in your pants or wedge it in your glove. box. You can go out and buy a Barrett .50 caliber semi-automatic rifle and do some real damage – if you’re the kind of criminal who has $ 12,000 burning a hole in his pocket and a propensity to commit crimes he’s into. practice to use a 30 pound rifle and five feet long. It turns out that this is not how most American criminals operate. But .50 caliber rifles are, for some reason, a target of the gun control movement.

Instead of these exotic weapons, criminals usually use handguns. Traditionally, the type of firearm most commonly used in crime in the United States has been the most common type of handgun at the time. For a long time, these were .38 caliber revolvers; now they are semi-automatic 9mm .40 caliber pistols. Criminals don’t get them at gun shows – when they don’t steal them, they get them from their girlfriends. We can and should enforce the straw buyer laws, but if we are to do it we should go into it knowing that we are going to lock up a lot of young women and almost certainly a disproportionate share of them will be black or Hispanic. and low income.

Collins gives the game, writing that a draft gun show regulation won’t do much, “but if it passes, we can at least savor the idea the gun lobby has finally got. a bad day.”

Giving the people you hate a bad day is a bad enough basis for public policy. Collins’ contribution here is unnecessary to the political debate, and as journalism it sits somewhere between incompetence and dishonesty, remaining in that no-man’s-land of mediocrity that spans so many pages of opinion.

But this is really it Kulturkampf politics is all about: fortifying one’s own social status by exercising ritual domination over cultural rivals. This is how you get punitive tax policies that don’t generate much revenue, exclusionary “inclusion” policies, and gun control proposals that have nothing to do with crime. army. It feels good to have power over people you hate or envy. This is the beginning and the end.

And, if that’s what makes your pistons beat – well, then you need Jesus, or at least therapy.

On the flip side, if you want to reduce violent crime, you might want to consider policies that at least have something to do with violent criminals and how they actually arm themselves.

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First, she was a survivor: #MeToo’s Burke tells her story | archives, culture and arts, events Thu, 16 Sep 2021 08:12:00 +0000 “Maybe it’s not going to spread.” That’s what Tarana Burke thought – in fact, hoped – when she first found out that the phrase “MeToo” was suddenly circulating online in October 2017, following shocking revelations about the Hollywood mogul. Harvey Weinstein. It was a phrase she had coined over years of working with survivors of […]]]>

“Maybe it’s not going to spread.”

That’s what Tarana Burke thought – in fact, hoped – when she first found out that the phrase “MeToo” was suddenly circulating online in October 2017, following shocking revelations about the Hollywood mogul. Harvey Weinstein.

It was a phrase she had coined over years of working with survivors of sexual violence. And she feared it would be scavenged or misused, turned into a simple hashtag for a brief moment of social media frenzy and ruining the hard work she had done.

It turned out that it took. Actress Alyssa Milano had asked victims of sexual assault or harassment to share their stories or just say #MeToo, and hundreds of thousands had done so from day one. But Burke’s fears did not materialize and her movement took off that she had never dreamed of.

“I wasn’t even dreaming that big,” she told The Associated Press in an interview. “I thought I had big and noble goals and I wasn’t dreaming big enough.”

Now, as the #MeToo movement – the social computation that began in 2017 – nears its fourth birthday, Burke, 48, has released a very personal and often crude memoir of his childhood in the Bronx in New York City, his journey in activism and the early days of #MeToo. She also provides a vivid account of how she was raped herself when she was just seven – an event that deeply shaped her future. She spoke to AP ahead of the book’s release this week. (The interview has been edited for clarity and length.)

AP: Why was it time for this memoir?

BURKE: People will think this is a book about, you know, going to the Golden Globes and meeting a bunch of celebrities and a bunch of powerful men whose lives have been touched by #MeToo. I want to tell a different story. My story is ordinary and also extraordinary: It’s so many other stories of little black girls, so many stories of young women. We don’t pay attention to the nuances of what survival looks like or what sexual violence looks like and how it affects our lives. So it seemed important. It’s a story that has grown in me for over 40 years. It was time to give it a home outside of my body.

AP: What message do you hope to convey to other women and girls who, like you, have been the victims of rape or sexual assault?

BURKE: That their experiences are not unique and that they are not alone. It seems really isolating, especially if you are dealing with sexual violence. I really want to send the message that you are not alone. YOU are normal and things that have happened to you are NOT normal. It doesn’t do anything wrong with you.

AP: You write about how you felt both guilty and ashamed of what happened to you.

BURKE: Shame is insidious. It is devouring. It can get into every nook and cranny and cracks and crevices in your life. There aren’t enough posts that say, “It’s not your shame to bear. It is not your burden to carry.

AP: A key issue for the future is the intersection of #MeToo and race. Have we made any progress as a society in this regard?

BURKE: We haven’t moved enough. This became even more evident during the racial calculation that the country found itself in the last year or so. People cannot connect the two. Really, it’s about advancing humanity. It’s all about liberation. And so the lives of black people must count. Women, people, must have bodily autonomy. We have to live in a world that thinks about the environment and the real space in which we live. All of these things have to do with how we coexist as human beings. And we need to recognize that these systems of oppression we all live under affect us differently. I am black and I am a woman and I am a survivor. And all of these things exist at the same time.

AP: A very raw part of this book explores how when you were young you felt ugly. You had to deal with those feelings. Did this experience help you parent your own child?

BURKE: I was very worried about Kaia’s self-esteem. But then Kaia turned out to be this beautiful child, a beautiful child physically. And still in college, she came to me and said, “I want Hannah Montana’s nose,” and things like kids bothered them because they thought they were ugly. And I was just like, wow, it doesn’t matter what you look like physically. People will find ways to bring you down. If they see the vulnerability and the parts of you that shine, they will take the lowest fruit and try to take it from you.

AP: You describe how, when #MeToo exploded in 2017, you were so afraid that your movement, the work you had done, would be co-opted. How did you overcome this worry?

BURKE: Over time, it has become clear to me that whatever I’m supposed to do, whatever assignment I’ve been given is clearly a mission for ME. And so if you take away the way the world or the media describes #MeToo, what I’ve built hasn’t really changed. I say this in the book: Selma’s little black girls and Hollywood white women really need the same things. And I realized that no one could take it away from me. I just got really comfortable. It may never look like it’s October 2017. But that’s okay, because what happened in October 2017 was a phenomenal moment that we shouldn’t try to duplicate. We should try to take advantage of that and do other things. So I don’t have that fear anymore. And it has been an incredible learning journey.

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Confront the legend of my hometown | Arts + Culture Thu, 16 Sep 2021 06:00:00 +0000 Contributed Growing up in the Chicago Southside has had its ups and downs. The pizza was pretty good, but the Mary Jane was overpriced. I never ran out of things to do, but had to live in constant fear of being gutted by a man in the mirror. It’s just city life. Where I’m from, […]]]>

Growing up in the Chicago Southside has had its ups and downs. The pizza was pretty good, but the Mary Jane was overpriced. I never ran out of things to do, but had to live in constant fear of being gutted by a man in the mirror. It’s just city life.

Where I’m from, across town where both the original “Candyman” and the remake take place, the Candyman is real. He’s not like Michael Myers or Freddy Krueger, the horror villains invented to keep you awake at night. It is an active and active force in the universe, and if I was not careful I would become one of its victims.

I only saw Bernard Rose’s 1992 film quite recently. I don’t even think I knew the movie existed before high school. In Chicago, the Candyman doesn’t need a movie to tell his story. That’s what recreation is for.

“My sister and her friends summoned Candyman,” a friend once told me. It was a pivotal moment for me.

According to him, the girls all gathered in the bathroom, lit a candle and said “Candyman” three times in a mirror, while circling around. After a while, his face appeared in the mirror. They screamed so loud that they woke the whole house.

Brushing my teeth that morning would be the last time I looked at myself in the mirror in maybe two months.

Over the years, the stories have piled up. It seemed like everyone had their own contact with the Candyman. I remember a kid telling me that the Candyman killed his mother’s brother when they were just kids. I never knew if it was true, but I really believed it then. Others saw him prowling the alleys when they went to town with their parents. He was still there.

The 1992 film nails this concept. Powerful performances by Virginia Madsen and Tony Todd, combined with perhaps the most haunting horror score yet, bring the Candyman to life. One of the great strengths of the film is that whenever someone tells the story of the Candyman, there are always small differences. It took me back to my childhood. It doesn’t matter if you had to say his name three or five times, or if it appeared in an abandoned parking lot or in your own bathroom. What was important was that he was there, and we believed in him.

Nia DaCosta’s 2021 version of the Chi-Town Boogeyman was much less ambiguous and faulty. While the original makes the main character Helen, as well as the audience, wonder if the Candyman is real or if she literally goes crazy, the updated version features a very real Candyman, who kills anyone who calls her without too much. agenda. Its origins are established and not open to debate. There is no mystery. Without giving the Candyman the ability to change over time, the idea of ​​a living urban legend is lost.

Of course, I cannot discuss “Candyman” without commenting on his use of racist themes, especially gentrification. While the take of 1992 played its cards much closer to his chest, the remake puts the calculated destruction of Chicago’s Cabrini-Green at the forefront of the film. The word “gentrification” is explicitly spoken more times than I have been able to count. Whether or not the change works is up to the viewer, but I personally believe in the power of subtlety.

Either way, “Candyman” was a triumph in at least a way. Nia DaCosta became the first black woman in history to direct a box-office blockbuster film. His victory is well deserved. Despite a screenplay that probably could have used a few more drafts, “Candyman” proved DaCosta a competent director and was an incredible introduction for her into the mainstream film industry.

While the film’s ending is overzealous, the end credits sequence will undoubtedly go down in horror history. The use of shadow puppets is ingenious and made me leave the theater completely shaken up, which wouldn’t have happened if they had given us the actual end of the movie.

While this is a relatively disappointing reboot of an all-time classic, “Candyman” managed to remind me of my roots. I may not have felt it in the seats in the theater, but as the wind begins to cool and the leaves begin to fall, I can feel it calling me. Telling me it’s time to come home.

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More states are requiring schools to teach Native American history and culture Tue, 14 Sep 2021 19:48:41 +0000 For years, many Native American tribes felt that their history had not been recognized by schools in Connecticut, a state named after an Algonquian word meaning “land on the long tidal river.” Soon, however, schools will be required to teach Native American studies, with an emphasis on local tribes, under a law passed this year […]]]>

For years, many Native American tribes felt that their history had not been recognized by schools in Connecticut, a state named after an Algonquian word meaning “land on the long tidal river.”

Soon, however, schools will be required to teach Native American studies, with an emphasis on local tribes, under a law passed this year at the behest of tribes, including the Mashantucket Pequot tribal nation, better known today. hui for its Foxwoods Resort Casino.

“When you’re in Connecticut, not to learn about the Eastern Forest tribes, the tribes that Connecticut was founded on, (that’s) the issue we were focusing on,” Rodney said. Butler, President of the Mashantucket Pequots.

It is a long-standing goal of many Native Americans to have more information about their history and culture taught in elementary schools. New demands have been passed in Connecticut, North Dakota and Oregon and advocates say their efforts have gained momentum with the nation’s recognition of racial injustice since the murder of George Floyd .

Legislation regarding schools has progressed alongside new bans on Native American mascots for sports teams and states celebrating Indigenous Peoples Day in place of Columbus Day.

The push for curriculum requirements has not been without challenges, with some legislatures deeming new laws unnecessary as Native American history is already reflected in school curricula. There have also been steps in the opposite direction amid battles over how matters related to race and racism are taught in classrooms.

In South Dakota, a group of teachers and citizens tasked with developing new state social studies standards said last month that Gov. Kristi Noem’s administration had removed many elements from its draft recommendations intended to strengthen students’ understanding of Native American history and culture. They said the changes to the project gave it a political edge they had tried to avoid, instead aligning it with the Republican governor’s rhetoric on what she calls patriotic education.

The education ministry said in a statement that it relied heavily on the task force’s recommendations and made “some adjustments before the draft was released to provide more clarity and focus for educators and the public.” .

Meanwhile, in Montana, tribes and parents of 18 college students have filed a federal lawsuit in July, alleging that state education officials violate a state constitutional requirement to teach all children about the unique culture and heritage of Native Americans.

A 2019 report from the National Congress of American Indian, which surveyed 35 states with federally recognized tribes, found that nearly 90% of states said they had made efforts to improve quality and l ‘access to the Native American studies program. While a majority said it was included in their schools, less than half said it was necessary and specific to the tribal nations in their state.

We’re seeing a focus on different races and issues, ”said Aaron Payment, first vice-president of the National Congress of American Indian and president of the Sault Ste. Marie Tribe of Chippewa Indians in Michigan.

Payment, who has a doctorate in educational leadership, said Native American studies should be integrated into the curriculum and not taught “just on Thanksgiving, where it’s kind of a condensed module.” He does not support states that make the program mandatory per se, but believes states should provide incentives and funding to develop the program, with input from tribes.

Connecticut law requires schools to teach Native American studies starting in the 2023-2024 school year. It was adopted despite concerns expressed by teachers’ unions and the state education commissioner, Miguel Cardona.. Cardona, who is now the US Secretary of Education, had said it was important to teach about Native Americans, but he was wary of unfunded mandates for school districts that are still working to implement other courses. that lawmakers and the governor have asked them to teach.

In North Dakota, a bill became law this year that requires all elementary and secondary schools, public and private, to include Native American tribal history in their curriculum, with an emphasis on tribes of State.

In Oregon, a similar law came into effect in 2019 to provide a “historically accurate, culturally integrated, place-based, contemporary and developmentally appropriate” curriculum for Native Americans and Alaska Natives in five subject areas.

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Jeff Bridges says tumor has shrunk, COVID in rearview mirror | culture & arts, culture Tue, 14 Sep 2021 15:15:13 +0000 Jeff Bridges says his cancer is in remission and his COVID-19 case is “in the rearview mirror.” The actor shared the good news on his website on Monday, claiming his tumor had grown from 12 inches to the size of a marble. But in an update he said he wrote in March and was only […]]]>

Jeff Bridges says his cancer is in remission and his COVID-19 case is “in the rearview mirror.”

The actor shared the good news on his website on Monday, claiming his tumor had grown from 12 inches to the size of a marble. But in an update he said he wrote in March and was only sharing now that he was feeling better, Bridges said he and his wife, Susan Geston, had been infected with COVID-19 in January while undergoing chemotherapy.

“Covid kicked my (asterisk) (asterisk) pretty well, but I’m doubly vaccinated and feel a lot better now,” he wrote.

Bridges said Geston spent five days in the hospital, but was stuck in a hospital bed for five weeks and even “approached the Pearly Gates” at one point because his immune system had been damaged. Recovery has been difficult, he said – until recently he needed oxygen support just to walk around. But with the help of an excellent medical team, he was finally able to walk his daughter, Hayley, down the aisle and dance with her on her wedding to “wonderful guy, Justin Shane”.

Bridges, 71, posted a video of the father-daughter dance, as well as a trailer for “The Old Man,” a TV series he stars in and is an executive producer. The FX series was due to air this year, before cancer and COVID-19 got in the way. “I am delighted to be returning to work,” he wrote.

Bridges has been campaigning for mask wear and social distancing since the start of the pandemic, even making a public service video for the Montana Hospital Association, where he resides part-time, showing how far he stays away from The Dude, his character from “The Big Lebowski”.

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Indigenous community of Missoula shows off their heritage at ‘ZACC’ fashion show | Arts + Culture Thu, 09 Sep 2021 06:00:00 +0000 Each model exuded beauty and grace as they launched their sharpest looks and strongest catwalk while strutting Indigenous designs on the Zootown arts community stage on Saturday afternoon. The fashion show was part of a two-day event to raise awareness in the indigenous community of Missoula. The event, titled “Montana Resilience, Indigenous Art Exhibit,” showcased […]]]>

Each model exuded beauty and grace as they launched their sharpest looks and strongest catwalk while strutting Indigenous designs on the Zootown arts community stage on Saturday afternoon. The fashion show was part of a two-day event to raise awareness in the indigenous community of Missoula.

The event, titled “Montana Resilience, Indigenous Art Exhibit,” showcased art, music, fashion and education centered around Montana’s tribal nations. The event was created to promote advocacy and foster connections between the indigenous community of Missoula and across the state.

Lauren Small Rodriguez organized the event. Small Rodriguez, born and raised on the Northern Cheyenne Reservation and part of the Chicana community, is a UM graduate student studying public health. She is also the Program Director for Native Action, a nonprofit program run by Aboriginal people.

“Art is a healing aspect for me. It stems from trauma and heartache, but I knew I was not alone and that the majority of us indigenous tribesmen suffered similar losses, ”she said.

Small Rodriguez began advocating for Indigenous art eight years ago when her grandmother, who raised her and acted like her mother, passed away. She said Indigenous art healed her broken heart, which prompted her to want to spread her healing qualities across Montana.

“We want to celebrate our lifestyles, from our perspective. I want to hear that we have to lead, we have to have spaces like this, ”Small Rodriguez said. “Only we, as Indigenous people, are able to tell our story and share our culture and beauty; give us that opportunity, that’s what I would like to have.

Yolanda GoodVoice designed the pieces on display at Saturday’s fashion show. GoodVoice is the president and owner of Sweet Sage Woman, and Apsaalooké, a citizen of the Crow Tribe of the Crow Nation. She exhibited items from her craft business that works to promote Native Americans.

“I really like this community and I really like connecting with other artists. And I really appreciate that the ZAC was able to do it. It brought us all together, ”said GoodVoice.

Although GoodVoice lived in Missoula for many years and attended UM to earn her bachelor’s and master’s degrees in business, she is not from here. That doesn’t mean she isn’t home, she said.

“I am really happy to live here. There is nothing like the magic of Missoula, ”GoodVoice said. “As Ravens we are quite far away, but as Indigenous people we will always have a connection to our homelands.”

GoodVoice said she hopes this event will show people that they are not alone.

“The general public does not understand that we are still here. We still live, speak our language and practice our culture while living and paying our bills and having jobs, ”said GoodVoice. “You see us everywhere, you don’t think you do.”

One of the models at the event, Millie Bearleggins, is a senior UM student studying pre-medicine and biology. She is a member of the Pikunii tribe and initially came to the event as a spectator, but was asked to be a model at the last minute. She ended up having a good time.

“They asked me and I was a little nervous, but we were very lucky that what I was wearing today matched the outfit I modeled. It’s great to support my community and Yolanda the creative, ”said Bearleggins.

Dr Brad Hall, a member of the Blackfeet Nation and tribal outreach specialist in the office of the president of UM, said he came to support the event on behalf of the University and himself personally.

“One of the things I believe in is student-led events. This is a really important question and I have a strong appreciation for the art, ”said Hall.

At UM, Hall works as a UM Tribal Outreach Specialist to support students from tribal communities. Hall wants to provide a space where they can flourish.

“This event is about visibility and exposure, but an event on our own terms as Indigenous people,” Hall said.

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Why culture wars are an elite device Wed, 08 Sep 2021 08:38:53 +0000 Half a decade on, “Brexit and Trump” remain shorthand for the rise of right-wing populism and a profound unsettling of liberal democracies. One curious fact is rarely mentioned: the campaigns of Hillary Clinton and Remain in 2016 had similar-sounding slogans, which spectacularly failed to resonate with large parts of the electorate: “Stronger Together” and “Stronger […]]]>

Half a decade on, “Brexit and Trump” remain shorthand for the rise of right-wing populism and a profound unsettling of liberal democracies. One curious fact is rarely mentioned: the campaigns of Hillary Clinton and Remain in 2016 had similar-sounding slogans, which spectacularly failed to resonate with large parts of the electorate: “Stronger Together” and “Stronger in Europe”. Evidently, a significant number of citizens felt that they might actually be stronger, or in some other sense better off, by separating. What does that tell us about the fault lines of politics today?

Conventional wisdom has it that cultural divisions now matter most, and that plenty of people feel they have nothing in common with liberal, supposedly “globalist” elites. Yet that idea is not only empirically dubious; it also uncritically adopts a cultural framing of political conflict that plays into the hands of the right, if not the far right. The divisions that threaten democracies are increasingly economically driven, a development that has been obscured by the rhetorical strategies of a right committed to plutocratic populism.

Democracies today face a double secession. One is that of the most privileged. They are often lumped together under the category of “liberal cosmopolitan elites”, which is an invective thrown around by populist leaders, but also a term employed by a growing number of pundits and social scientists. This designation is misleading in many ways. While it is true that certain elites are mobile, they are not necessarily cosmopolitan or liberal in any strong moral sense – if by cosmopolitan we do not mean folks with the highest frequent flyer status but those committed to the idea that all humans stand in the same moral relation to each other, regardless of borders.

Value commitments are not necessarily related to travel patterns; the world’s most influential cosmopolitan philosopher, Immanuel Kant, never left his hometown Königsberg. While plenty of wealthy people make a big show of international charity work, one would search in vain for advocates of what in political philosophy might possibly be called genuine global justice. And we should not forget that, in the 1990s and early 2000s, globalisation was justified not by emphasising its beneficial effects on the world but the advantages it would bestow on individual nations.

Economic and administrative elites still follow education and career paths that are distinctly national. My students at Princeton University might go to work for a multinational company and be posted overseas, but they cannot go “anywhere” – they cannot simply decide, for instance, to join the French elite. It is of course flattering for academics and journalists to think that democracy’s fate is in their hands, and that if only liberal elites somehow cared more for white working-class men in the American Midwest or the north of England, all might be well.

The point is not that cultural elites are not important – of course they are. The point is that simplistic divisions of society into “anywheres” and “somewheres” – famously put forward by David Goodhart in The Road to Somewhere (2017) and endlessly repeated by liberals eager to flaunt their capacity for self-criticism – systematically obscure that actual decision-making elites remain far more national and far less liberal than is commonly thought.

[See also: How Raymond Williams redefined culture]

Globalisation has not brought the end of nationalism but opportunities to retreat selectively from society – something from which economic and financial elites (again, not particularly liberal in their views) have especially benefited. They appear to be able to dispense with any real dependence on the rest of society (though of course they still rely on police, halfway-usable roads, and so on). With the globalisation of supply chains and trade regimes, workers and consumers do not have to be in the same country, and, as a consequence of the shift away from mass conscript armies, one also does not depend on one’s fellow citizens to serve as soldiers.

An openly avowed, though also quite cartoonish, version of this secession of the economically powerful is provided by the Silicon Valley billionaire Peter Thiel. Thiel self-identifies as libertarian (and ended up not only as an adviser to Donald Trump but as one of the figures trying to adorn Trumpism with a philosophy). In a programmatic statement published in 2009, he wrote that “in our time, the great task for libertarians is to find an escape from politics in all its forms – from the totalitarian and fundamentalist catastrophes to the unthinking demos that guides so-called ‘social democracy’”. He put his hope in “some sort of new and hitherto untried process that leads us to some undiscovered country”. Since, alas, there appear to be few undiscovered countries, Thiel bet on cyberspace, outer space, and, in case none of those spaces work out, “seasteading” (as in: settling the oceans).

Thiel’s dismissive remarks about the demos provoked strong reactions – in particular, his sentence that “since 1920, the vast increase in welfare beneficiaries and the extension of the franchise to women – two constituencies that are notoriously tough for libertarians – have rendered the notion of ‘capitalist democracy’ into an oxymoron”. He later clarified that he did not advocate for disenfranchising citizens. Indeed, the whole point of his thinking was that the demos as such had to be written off as hopeless; the best one could do was to seek distance from ordinary folks – or, put differently, secession.

Thiel’s pining for undiscovered countries corresponds with the sordid reality of transnational accounting tricks. As two distinguished economists Emmanuel Saez and Gabriel Zucman observe, “US firms have in 2016… booked more than 20 per cent of their non-US profits in ‘stateless entities’ – shell companies that are incorporated nowhere, and nowhere taxed. In effect, they have found a way to make $100bn in profits on what is essentially another planet.”

[See also: Pensées by Bryan Magee]

These kinds of secessions are not undertaken by “citizens of nowhere” (the money does not really end up nowhere); nor does any of this have anything to do with cultural or moral cosmopolitanism, even if right-wing populists, ever ready to wage culture wars, portray things that way. But the populists’ critique does contain a kernel of truth: some citizens do take themselves out of anything resembling a decent social contract, for instance relying on private tutors and private security for their gated communities. In France, an astonishing 35 per cent of people claim that they have nothing in common with their fellow citizens.

Such a dynamic is not entirely new: writing about French aristocrats, the 18th-century political theorist the Abbé Sieyes observed that “the privileged actually come to see themselves as another species of man”. In 1789, they discovered that they were not (just as some today will eventually discover that there are no
undiscovered countries).

The other secession is even less visible. An increasing number of citizens at the lower end of the income spectrum no longer vote or participate in politics in any other way. In large German cities, for instance, the pattern is clear: poorer areas with high unemployment have much higher abstention rates in elections (in the centre of the old industrial metropolis of Essen it is as high as 90 per cent). This de facto self-separation is not based on a conscious programme in the way Thiel’s space (or spaced-out) fantasies are, and there is no “undiscovered country” for the worst-off. Tragically, such a secession becomes self-reinforcing: political parties, for the most part, have no reason to care for those who don’t care to vote; this in turn strengthens the impression of the poor that there’s nothing in it for them when it comes to politics.


How does all this relate to the rise of right-wing populism and today’s threats to democracy? Like all parties, populist ones offer what the social theorist Pierre Bourdieu once called a “vision of divisions”: they provide, and promote, an interpretation of society’s major political fault lines – and then seek to mobilise citizens accordingly. That is not in itself dangerous. Democracy, after all, is about conflict, not consensus, or what James Mattis, Donald Trump’s ill-fated secretary of defence, called “fundamental friendliness” (which, lamenting the lack of “political unity” in his country, he was sorely missing in the second decade of the 21st century).

The promise of democracy is not that we shall all agree, and it does not require “uniformity of principles and habits”, as Alexander Hamilton had it. Rather, it is the guarantee that we have a fair chance of fighting for our side politically and then can live with the outcome of the struggle, because we will have another chance in a future election. It is not enough to complain that populists are divisive, for democratic politics is divisive by definition.

The problem is that right-wing populists reduce all conflicts to questions of belonging, and then consider disagreement with their view automatically illegitimate (those who disagree must be traitors; Trump’s critics were not so much wrong on merit as, according to his fans, “un-American”). Populism is not uniquely responsible for polarisation, but it is crucial to understand that its key strategy is polarisation. Right-wing populism seeks to divide polities into homogeneous groups and then insinuates that some groups do not truly belong or are fundamentally illegitimate.

In this world-view, instead of being characterised by cross-cutting identities and interests, politics is simplified and rendered as a picture of one central conflict of existential importance (along the lines of “if the wrong side wins, we shall perish”). Thus, disquiet about the double secession is channelled by right-wing populists into collective fear or even a moral panic that “the country is being taken away from us”. In the US in particular, that fear helps to distract from questions of material distribution; what the political scientists Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson have called “plutocratic populism” combines relentless culture war with economic positions that are actually deeply unpopular even with conservative voters, but which are continuously obscured by conjuring up threats to the real – that is, white, Christian – America (or white Christian England, for that matter). While some Republicans speak out for a kind of “working-class conservatism” – just as the Conservative Party has its advocates of “red Toryism” – there is no way that the Republican Party in its present form will implement any such agenda. In this respect, Trump was typical: stoking the feelings of socio-economic-cum-cultural victimhood of his supporters, and then passing a tax cut of which 80 per cent went to the upper 1 per cent. While the jury is still out on Boris Johnson’s “levelling up” agenda, the fact is that One Nation Toryism has also often remained mere talk.


Here, then, lies the gravest danger to democracy: in the face of what they perceive as an existential threat, citizens are more willing to condone breaches of democratic principles and the rule of law (it is easier, for instance, to portray judges as “enemies of the people”). The Yale political scientist Milan Svolik cites a revealing “natural experiment” in social science to make the point: on the eve of an election in Montana in 2017, the Republican candidate Greg Gianforte “body-slammed” a Guardian reporter. Plenty of people had already voted by absentee ballot; only those going to the polls on election day – by which time three major Montana newspapers had withdrawn their endorsement of Gianforte – could directly punish the GOP politician for his behaviour. And what happened? In highly partisan precincts, party loyalty trumped respect for democratic norms. Populists seek to deepen a central division in society and simplify it into a question of whether you are for or against the leader. Thus they make it more difficult for their supporters to put democracy and the rule of law above their partisan interests.

So how should liberals and the left fight back? For one thing, they should resist an uncritical adoption of the anywheres-versus-somewheres frame. What’s more, they should resist the mainstreaming of the far right, or racism lite, that some European social democrats think promises a revival of their electoral fortunes. Some point at Denmark and the mostly symbolic measures adopted by a nominally left-wing party to prove its toughness on immigration and Islamism. But, as the French economist Thomas Piketty and others have shown, most of those who abandoned social democratic parties did not defect to the far right. Instead, since the 1970s, they stopped going to the polls altogether.

Getting people to re-engage in politics is fiendishly difficult. But in their contrasting ways Boris Johnson’s former chief advisor Dominic Cummings and the strategists of the Spanish left-wing upstart Podemos proved that it can be done. You can bring citizens to vote who appear to have checked out of the political system entirely, if you offer them an image of their interests and identities that they can recognise. There is Trump’s talk of “finding votes” in the sense of election subversion, but there is also the genuinely democratic practice of finding votes by seeking out those who consider themselves abandoned. And, once again, there is nothing undemocratic about drawing clear lines of conflict: criticising other parties is not the same as calling them illegitimate, populist-style.

Any social democratic programme that seeks to re-engage voters must not be neoliberalism lite, in which deregulation is the default, along with low taxation and disciplining of workers through harsh incentives to accept more or less any job (all policies adopted by Gerhard Schröder, for instance). It must also involve a serious effort to explain which basic interests are shared by those who ceased participating altogether and those who abandoned social democratic parties for Green parties, or even the centre right (in some countries such as Germany).

It is not a mystery what these interests might be: most obviously, functioning national infrastructure and an education system that puts serious resources into helping the worst-off (the vast inequalities of existing systems, where wealthy parents can simply bring in more tutors, was cruelly demonstrated during the pandemic, when even affluent parents faced realities they had never confronted before).

It is not naive to think that Joe Biden might be providing the right model here. He has resisted getting mired in debates about cancelled children’s books, critical race theory, and other topics relentlessly promoted by right-wing culture warriors. Instead, he is making a surprisingly serious effort to address the secession at the top of society, going after tax avoidance. He is even trying to drag countries along which have made tax avoidance a national business model, and, for good measure, he might be able to drag the Thiels, Musks, Bezoses and Bransons of this world back down to earth.

It would be wrong, though, to conclude that liberals must disavow so-called identity politics and leave minorities to their fate (or at least their own devices). The most prominent movements of our time – Black Lives Matter and #MeToo – are not really about identity in any substantive sense; they are about claiming basic rights which others have long taken for granted. They are also not just about “resentment at indignities”, as Francis Fukuyama claims – as if these were all emotional issues where narcissistic folks should simply pull themselves together. Nor are they just about “abstract values”, as Adrian Pabst recently charged in these pages. There is nothing abstract about not wanting to be shot by police or be harassed by powerful men.


Less obviously, it is also not true that claims by minorities are somehow more likely to lead to polarisation and irresolvable political conflicts. It is conventional wisdom that one can negotiate over material interests more easily than over identity, as trade unions and employers reliably did during the heyday of postwar European social democracy. For many there is also a seemingly self-evident lesson from recent years: if you don’t want populist-authoritarian white identity politics, you should shut up about the identity of black and brown people, for otherwise you are simply providing more ammunition for populist race and culture warriors.

Yet identity and interests cannot be so neatly separated. That is true today, and, if we didn’t suffer so badly from historical amnesia, we would not claim that things were all that different in the golden age of social democracy. Socialist parties never fought only for wage increases and better working conditions; they also struggled for dignity and collective respect. Think for instance of Red Vienna, made by socialists into a showcase for working-class culture and uplift during the interwar period.

[See also: The West isn’t dying – its ideas live on in China]

Even when conflicts are about identity, this does not mean that compromise and negotiation are automatically impossible. We do not necessarily all assume that there is an inner, true, unchanging self, as a romantic conception of identity would suggest. People are able to rethink their political commitments and what really matters in both private and collective life; what is regularly ridiculed by the right as “woke” today is only one example of how political self-perceptions – and hence identities – can change.

Conversely, it is far from obvious that conflicts over material interests can always be resolved in a rational, amiable manner. We have forgotten to what lengths the owners of concentrated wealth might go to defend themselves from claims to redistribution (and we are not fully aware of what they are already doing today: the political scientist Jeffrey Winters refers to expensive lawyers and accountants specialised in tax avoidance as a powerful “wealth defence industry”).

One reason why we have forgotten this is that no political leader has seriously tried to take anything from secessionists at the very top; Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, and Barack Obama were part of a long historical arc of neoliberalism in which some progressive change was possible but the basics of the Reagan-Thatcher revolutions were never seriously questioned. In the United States, the Republican Party has been radicalised in recent years and is bent on undermining democracy through voter suppression and election subversion – even though, economically, there hasn’t been much of a threat to its backers yet. That is an ominous sign of what reaction a genuine liberal commitment to addressing the double secession might provoke.

Jan-Werner Müller is professor of politics at Princeton University. His most recent book is “Democracy Rules” (Allen Lane)

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London Film Festival welcomes audiences back to cinema | culture & arts, cinema Tue, 07 Sep 2021 11:41:00 +0000 LONDON – Films from 77 countries will be screened at the 2021 London Film Festival, as Britain’s premier film showcase welcomes mass audiences to theaters after a year of pandemic. The festival schedule, announced Tuesday, includes 158 feature films, up from 225 in its last pre-pandemic edition in 2019. The 2020 festival was a reduced […]]]>

LONDON – Films from 77 countries will be screened at the 2021 London Film Festival, as Britain’s premier film showcase welcomes mass audiences to theaters after a year of pandemic.

The festival schedule, announced Tuesday, includes 158 feature films, up from 225 in its last pre-pandemic edition in 2019. The 2020 festival was a reduced collection of 58 films, most of which screened online.

This year, full-capacity masked audiences will be able to attend gala screenings at the Riverside Southbank Center in London, with many premieres showing simultaneously in cinemas across the UK.

About 37% of feature films are directed by women – not yet parity, but up from a quarter four years ago and “going in the right direction,” said festival director Tricia Tuttle.

The festival opens on October 6 with the world premiere of “The Harder They Fall” – a western by British director Jeymes Samuel with a cast directed by Black – and ends on October 17 with the European premiere of “The Tragedy of Macbeth “by Joel Coen. “with Denzel Washington and Frances McDormand as Shakespeare’s murderous Scottish royal family.

The lineup includes 21 world premieres alongside winners and headliners from the Cannes and Venice film festivals, including the western “The Power of the Dog” by Jane Campion in Montana and the horror film of the years. Edgar Wright’s 60’s “Last Night in Soho,” both of which premiered in Venice this month.

Also on the program, the techno-sexual thriller “Titane” by French director Julia Ducournau – winner of the first prize at Cannes, the Palme d’Or – the lesbian drama for nuns “Benedetta” by Paul Verhoeven and the whimsical “The French Dispatch “by Wes Anderson, both of which also premiered at the French Riviera festival.

The London Film Festival will also present Elena Ferrante’s adaptation of Maggie Gyllenhaal “The Lost Daughter”; “King Richard” by Reinaldo Marcus Green, which stars Will Smith as the father of Venus and Serena Williams; Kenneth Branagh’s tribute to his hometown, “Belfast”; “Paris, 13th arrondissement” by Jacques Audiard and the musical documentary by Todd Haynes “The Velvet Underground”.

Another highlight is “Spencer” by Chilean director Pablo Larrain, a film whose first publicity shot of Kristin Stewart as Princess Diana was enough to trigger a frenzy of anticipation.

“I don’t think there is a living moviegoer who doesn’t want to see this movie after it’s released,” Tuttle said.

Encompassing television as well as film, the festival also screens the first two episodes of the third series of the media dynasty drama “Succession”.

Festival organizers are still unsure how the coronavirus pandemic will affect premieres and red carpet party plans. Four-fifths of UK adults are fully vaccinated and there are few restrictions on social life. But infections remain high and are expected to increase further now that the children are back to school.

Tuttle says a few films in the lineup deal explicitly with the pandemic, including Matthew Heineman’s documentary “The First Wave” and “7 Days,” a coronavirus romantic comedy about a couple locked up together after a disastrous first date. .

“We were hesitant to go too heavily into the pandemic,” Tuttle said. “We have just chosen films which charmed us or which seemed too urgent not to be included in the program.”

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Kirk Ferentz beat cancel culture. Now Iowa could be the team to beat Tue, 07 Sep 2021 00:13:29 +0000 1. The history of B1G Let me reintroduce you to a story that has defied all odds, a story that, in an age of cancellation of Mafia culture and rules, should have no chance of survival. Yet one way or another it does – for all the right reasons. Well, that and the current longest […]]]>

1. The history of B1G

Let me reintroduce you to a story that has defied all odds, a story that, in an age of cancellation of Mafia culture and rules, should have no chance of survival.

Yet one way or another it does – for all the right reasons. Well, that and the current longest winning streak in the Big Ten might have something to do with it.

“It’s all about working through things,” Iowa coach Kirk Ferentz said. “Determine what we need to do, how we can improve. Just like you do when you lose a football game.

Only it wasn’t a game. It was real life.

When allegations of racial conflict, bullying and discrimination engulfed the program last summer, when those allegations cost jobs – including longtime coach Chris Doyle – and led 8 former players to sue the university and to demand the dismissal of Ferentz (the trial is scheduled for 2023), an inevitable change is fast approaching.

People, jobs and even longstanding traditions do not survive this time when these allegations are being made. The NFL, the biggest and worst sports brand on the planet, took less than 24 hours to get rid of the Jaguars’ hiring of Doyle.

How desperate did it look last year in Iowa? After losing to Purdue and Northwestern to start the season, I wrote that Iowa would have to win for Ferentz to save their job.

And sonofgun, if the Hawkeyes didn’t succeed.

Winning, everyone, is the ultimate balm. This does not mean that a jury will not ultimately side with the 8 players, nor will it declare that Ferentz and the program are guilty of anything.

What is true is that Ferentz saw an opportunity for change – whether by force or intuition or both – and made it work. He instituted a board of directors for the players to give constant feedback, and listened and changed daily.

He gave players more input into the program, an investment that strengthened working relationships and team chemistry. He’s streamlined the process of going straight to him if there’s a problem, with the idea of ​​eliminating any sort of simmering problem.

It’s not like Ferentz has trampled on Iowa players for two decades. He has always been regarded as a player coach and has an excellent reputation within the coaching community.

But when allegations do surface, the very last thing you can do in this age of cancellation culture is to ignore them. You take corrective action – and then win matches if you can.

After beating Big Ten Darling Indiana last week, Iowa has won 7 straight games since losing 2 in a row to start the 2020 season and ignite the Kirk Must Go crowd.

They steer the ball with power and determination. They throw with just enough efficiency to keep the defenses from overwhelming the running game.

And man, are they playing defense.

In the age of the passing offense, the Iowa defense has allowed no more than 24 points in 23 straight games. This is unheard of at a time when offenses get over 24 in a half.

This team, which was unable to play the final game of the regular season against Michigan due to Covid issues in the Michigan schedule, and withdrew from a bowl game, is one of the most successful teams. hottest college football.

That brings us to this weekend’s heavyweight game against bitter rival Iowa State. Maybe, just maybe, the greatest game in the series ever.

Iowa State is a legitimate threat to win the Big 12 and advance to the college football playoffs. And if you haven’t noticed it yet, this season – and all 6 games of 2020 – is starting to look a lot like 2015, when undefeated Iowa had to beat Michigan to reach the CFP and lose by 3 points.

This Iowa team won with defense and good running play, and just enough of QB CJ Beathard. This Iowa team looks eerily similar, but with one significant difference: they faced adversity a year ago.

They saved their coach’s job and pushed back the culture of cancellation. Two things that are almost unknown these days.

2. Cade in control

Ladies and gentlemen, Jim Harbaugh has a quarterback in Michigan. No really, he does.

We know because after a strong start to his career last year in the COVID-shortened season, Cade McNamara followed up with a catchy performance last week against Western Michigan.

Go ahead, find something negative to say about a guy who made 81% of his passes and threw 2 TD against 0 INT, and averaged 12.4 yards per attempt.

But we’ve been down that road before, where Michigan has found a quarterback and the big games are coming, and said quarterback is nowhere to be found. It all started with the transfer of Jake Rudock to Iowa, which brought Michigan to its peak under Harbaugh: the Citrus Bowl victory over Florida.

And while that doesn’t mean much, check out the rest of the stargroup acquired by Guru QB:

– Wilton Speight (difficult to upgrade, career ended at UCLA).

– Houston transfer John O’Korn (UM career: 2 TD, 4 INT).

– Brandon Peters (transferred to Illinois).

– Ole Miss transfers Shea Patterson (the best of Harbaugh’s QBs; 45 TDs in 2 seasons).

– Dylan McCaffrey (transferred to northern Colorado).

– Joe Milton (transferred to Tennessee).

So here we are with McNamara, who has yet to throw an interception in 82 career passes. He throws a precise, catchable ball and has enough speed to complete each throw.

What that means for games at Wisconsin, Penn State, and, of course, Ohio State accommodation, is one to guess at this point – especially given Michigan’s track record in these rivalry games (Harbaugh a 5-11).

It might be better if we start with Washington this week. Baby steps, everyone.

Washington lost to FCS Montana last week, but that doesn’t mean anything to Harbaugh, who says he’s excited about quarterbacks and it was good to have freshman replacement JJ ​​McCarthy against Western Michigan.

“I have a good idea that Washington has been preparing for us for a long time,” Harbaugh said. “It’s an important game for both teams, so I think the first game doesn’t matter.

3. The Big Green meritocracy

Mel Tucker calls this a culture change, and for the most part it’s not that much different from most.

Push yourself where you’re uncomfortable, then push more. This is where you learn and grow.

And if you don’t, they find someone else.

Tucker didn’t like what he had in his waiting room at Michigan State, so he went out and signed Kenneth Walker III from the transfer portal. Walker never really got the chance to be No.1 in Wake Forest. He found a home with Tucker’s mantra: play fast and play hard.

In Week 1 on the road against a strong Northwest defense, Walker had 264 yards and 4 touchdowns on just 23 carries. Tucker has insisted throughout the offseason on the need for more pieces on offense.

Check out these Walker pieces: 50, 30, 23, 16 and 14 meter runs. When you average 11.5 yards per carry it helps QB Payton Thorne play almost flawlessly after a 2020 season where he played so uneven, Tucker also brought in a portal player (Anthony Russo, Temple) for this work.

Only this time, Thorne beat Russo and kept the job. For now, anyway.

Everything is fluid with Tucker. He doesn’t mince words or make promises.

It’s a meritocracy in Michigan State, and if you’re not comfortable being uncomfortable, move on.

“We have to get this thing done,” Tucker has said repeatedly since spring football while preaching on a culture change. “You can’t hope to get better. You have to get better, period.

Or he’ll find someone who will.

4. Power on

This week’s Power Poll, and one important thing: Week 1 reality check.

1. Ohio State: Maybe it’s not plug and play at the most important position on the court after all. I’m not chasing CJ Stroud, but he needs to improve for Ohio State to be the elite.

2. Penn State: The offensive line can’t play like it did against Wisconsin and win the Big Ten. In time, quarterback Sean Clifford will have a big season.

3. Iowa: There’s no other way to put it: QB Spencer Petras needs to play better. Completing 48% of your passes will eventually catch up with you. Maybe even this week.

4. Wisconsin: Don’t fire QB Graham Mertz just yet. At the end of the season, you’ll see a different player – and understand how good Penn State’s defense really is.

5. Minnesota: VG star Mo Ibrahim has finished his season. It’s a long fall to save Treyson Potts. Worse: QB Tanner Morgan’s regression from 2020 continued into week 1.

6. Indiana: The Hoosiers aren’t a flash of a season; they met a strong team from Iowa which is the team to beat in the West Division.

7. Michigan: You don’t want to start talking about must-see scenarios 2 weeks into the season, but if UM loses to Washington, which just lost to FCS Montana, well, it’s going to get ugly.

8. Michigan State: Sparty appears to have 2 of the 3 critical components (running play, defense). Unfortunately, most important of all (the quarterback) remains a big question.

9. Purdue: Getting QB Jack Plummer back healthy and performing at a high level is huge for a program that took a big step backwards in 2020.

10. Northwestern: Defense, Northwestern’s DNA under coach Pat Fitzgerald, seemed outclassed against Michigan State. New coordinator, new players, big questions.

11. Maryland: Remember that the Taulia is not a Tua speech? Young Tagovailoa is ready for a huge season. If only Maryland D could follow.

12. Rutgers: Rutgers starts the season with bad (Temple), worst (Syracuse) and FCS Delaware. Nothing is known about this team until the end of September.

13. Illinois: Just when you thought it was safe to believe in Illinois, comes UTSA. That’s right, I said UTSA. It’s a process, and Bret Bielema has to play with the guys he has.

14. Nebraska: I hate to be the wet blanket here, but Buffalo is a solid MAC team. The Huskers had better get down to work to avoid a loss before a rivalry game with Oklahoma.

5. The five weeklies

Five games against the spread.

  • Illinois to Virginia -10
  • Oregon to Ohio State -14
  • Buffalo +13 in Nebraska
  • Iowa +4.5 in Iowa State
  • Washington +6 in Michigan

Last week: 3-2

Season: 3-2

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The power of the dog: a five-star “disturbing melodrama” Thu, 02 Sep 2021 14:37:41 +0000 Whatever the answer to these troubling questions, Phil’s troubles are exacerbated when George announces that he has married Rose (Kirsten Dunst), the shy and widowed owner of a nearby hotel. Not only will she move into the family home, but her son Peter (Kodi Smit-McPhee) will also stay while on vacation at college. And if […]]]>

Whatever the answer to these troubling questions, Phil’s troubles are exacerbated when George announces that he has married Rose (Kirsten Dunst), the shy and widowed owner of a nearby hotel. Not only will she move into the family home, but her son Peter (Kodi Smit-McPhee) will also stay while on vacation at college. And if George doesn’t match Phil’s image of how a breeder should behave, the lean, cheeky, artistic Peter is much worse. The last time a cowboy was so upset by an intruder in his house was Woody in Toy Story when Buzz Lightyear moved in.

It is as if the simmering disgust could escalate into violence at any moment. But Campion, who wrote as well as directed, lets us guess. Like Rose, we’re constantly on edge, trapped in a dark, drafty mansion where we’re always watched over by either a poisonous brother-in-law or a stuffed, mounted animal head. Rather than rushing along the plot, Campion immerses the viewer in a world that seems creepy to the point of being supernatural, but also completely real. Much of the film is shot in natural light, with many sultry close-ups of sweat and grime. Although it was made in New Zealand, one would think its Old West buildings had stood for years on the bare Montana landscape. The actors’ riding, stringing and, yes, bull castration techniques seem so easy it must have taken weeks of effort to train them. And the characters have the eccentric habits and hobbies of real people rather than Western stereotypes: just when you think you know them, you’re surprised by a scholarly reference to ancient Rome, a brief appearance of household furniture from doll, or a sudden angry hula-hoop fight.

What’s unique about The Power of the Dog is that it initially appears to be an epic western, but it becomes a brooding gothic melodrama in which relationships change and long-buried secrets surface. Its slow-burning psychological mysteries may frustrate some viewers. But others will be gripped by how Campion twists the conventions of American border drama: The fact that his edgy score is by Jonny Greenwood isn’t the only thing he has in common with There Will Be Blood.

It’s a film that shines with intelligence, and if the plot isn’t clear until the very last scene, well, it’s worth the wait. When that scene arrives, the purpose of each previous scene becomes clear, leaving you wanting to go back to the beginning and review everything.


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